Thursday, June 28, 2012

10 Sure Signs America Is in Decline


Dissident Voice: a radical newsletter in the struggle for peace and social justice



10 Sure Signs America Is in Decline

Now that it’s painfully clear the U.S. is on a downward slide, the only question worth asking is when, precisely, did everything start to fall apart.  At what point in time did the pendulum begin swinging the other way?  Accordingly, history buffs, philosophers, and amateur intellectuals rejoice in debating this question.
Some say it was the Kennedy assassination.  Others say it was Vietnam, the first war this country ever lost.  Others say it was Watergate, the scandal that destroyed a president and shattered our faith in government.  Still others say it was Ronald Reagan’s firing of the air traffic controllers, a decision that put the zap on organized labor and set loose the dogs of unbridled corporate greed.
Personally, I think it all started in 1978, when TV weather people began referring to rain as “shower activity,” but that’s just me.

In any event, whatever it was that launched our decline, there can be no doubt that our best days are behind us.  And anyone who thinks otherwise might consider the following.

1.  Estonia has stronger labor laws than the U.S.  It’s true.  According to the OECD (Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development), Estonian workers have better protection than American workers.  Which raises the obvious, disturbing question:  Where is Estonia?

2.  Sarah Palin almost became Vice-President.  Americans can take a joke as much as the next guy, but that little stunt could have backfired.

3.  The movie Titanic beat out LA Confidential for the “Best Picture” Oscar in 1997.  A big, splashy movie squeezes out a smaller, well-crafted, artistic gem.  Quantity over quality.  Style over substance.  Ho-dads over surfers.

4.  The U.S. now has almost twice as many suicides as homicides.  In the 1970s, we were recognized as the murder capital of the industrialized West.  But our murder rate has dropped precipitously.  That’s the good news.  The bad news is that we’ve taken to killing ourselves instead of other people.  Not an encouraging sign.

5.  In 1983, the U.S. military invaded Grenada, an island nation (132 sq. miles) roughly one-fourth the size of Phoenix, Arizona.  The justification for invading?  It was determined that Grenada represented a threat to U.S. security.
6.  In 2003, California, the most populous and, arguably, most diverse state in the union, recalled the recently elected Governor Gray Davis and replaced him with an Austrian body-builder.
7.  The Kardashians get better ratings than the PBS Evening News.

8.  In 2002, President George W. Bush lost consciousness after choking on a pretzel. Bush’s dog revived him by licking his face (something the First Lady regularly did to divert his attention from televised football). Washington survived Valley Forge, Kennedy survived PT-109, Reagan survived a gun shot.  And our commander-in-chief passes out from eating a pretzel.  Who can deny that our best days are behind us?

9.  The United States is in the midst of an obesity epidemic.  Babies are fat, children are fat, adults are fat.  Even American pets are becoming obese.  Oddly, this national obesity epidemic coincides with increasing annual expenditures on exercise equipment and athletic apparel.

10.  According to unofficial polls, 92-percent of Americans believe they have a Guardian Angel watching over them.  If that’s true, then these “guardians” need to step up to the plate, because we’re getting our rear-ends kicked.

David Macaray, a Los Angeles playwright and author (It’s Never Been Easy: Essays on Modern Labor), was a former union rep. He can be reached at: dmacaray@earthlink.net. Read other articles by David.

Believing Our Own Lies: Why people change their beliefs to fit their behavior.



Creative Thinkering

Resurrecting your natural creativity through inspiring techniques and practical examples.

Why people change their beliefs to fit their behavior.


Leon Festinger was an American social psychologist, responsible for the development of the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, which suggests that when people are persuaded to say things and to behave in ways that are inconsistent with their beliefs, an uncomfortable psychological tension is aroused. This tension will lead people to change their beliefs to fit their actual behavior, rather than the other way around, as originally thought.
 Festinger's ground-breaking social psychological experiments provide a central insight into the stories we tell ourselves about why we think and behave the way we do. His experiments were wonderfully deceptive and ingenuous.

Following is a thought experiment modeled after Festinger's work. Imagine you are the participant in the experiment and imagine how you would respond to the experience.

THOUGHT EXPERIMENT

You are told the experiment is about how your expectations affect the actual experience of a task. Apparently there are two groups and in the other group they have been given a particular expectation about the study. To instill the expectation subtly, the participants in the other groups are informally briefed by a student who has apparently just completed the task. In your group, though, you'll do the task with no expectations.

Your first task is extremely boring. You are asked to move some spools around in a box for half an hour, then for the next half an hour you move pegs around a board. At the end of the tasks the experimenter thanks you for taking part, and then tells you that many other people find the task pretty interesting. This puzzles you as you found it dreadfully boring.

Then the experimenter asks for your help. The participant coming in after you is in the other condition he mentioned before you did the task - the condition in which they have an expectation before carrying out the task. This expectation is that the task is actually really interesting. Unfortunately the person who usually sets up their expectation hasn't turned up.

He offers you $1 as a token of appreciation if you agree. You agree to help. You are introduced to the next participant who is about to do the same task you just completed. As instructed you tell her that the task she's about to do is really interesting. Then the experimenter returns, thanks you again, and once again tells you that many people enjoyed the task and hopes you found it interesting.
Then you are ushered through to another room where you are interviewed about the experiment you've just done. One of the questions asks you about how interesting the task was that you were given to do. This makes you pause for a minute and think.

Now it seems to you that the task wasn't as boring as you first thought. You start to see how even the repetitive movements of the spools and pegs had a certain symmetrical beauty. And it was all in the name of science after all. This was a worthwhile endeavor and you hope the experimenters get some interesting results out of it. You figure that, on reflection, it wasn't as bad as you first thought. You rate it moderately interesting.

After the experiment you go and talk to your friend who was also doing the experiment. Comparing notes you found that your experiences were almost identical except for one vital difference. She was offered way more than you to brief the next student: $100!

You ask her about the task with the spools and pegs: "Oh," she replies. "That was the most boring task imaginable, I gave it the lowest rating possible."
"No," you insist. "It wasn't that bad. Actually when you think about it, it was pretty interesting."

She looks at you mockingly, shakes her head and walks away.

.........................................................................................................................

What you've just experienced is the power of cognitive dissonance. Social psychologists studying cognitive dissonance are interested in the way we deal with two thoughts that contradict each other - and how we deal with this contradiction.

In this case: you thought the task was boring to start off with and then you were persuaded to tell someone else the task was interesting. But, you're not the kind of person to casually go around lying to people. So how can you resolve your view of yourself as an honest person with lying to the next participant? Your mind resolves this conundrum by deciding that actually the study was pretty interesting after all. You are helped to this conclusion by the experimenter who tells you other people also thought the study was pretty interesting.

The other participant, meanwhile, has no need to justify her lie. She was paid $100 to lie, and she lied for the money. She experienced no contradictory thoughts or dissonance and stayed true to her belief about the experiment.

CONTRADICTORY THOUGHTS


Numerous studies and experiments of cognitive dissonance have been performed over the years since Festinger's theory was first published. The effect of contradictory thoughts on changing beliefs has been confirmed over and over. It explains much about us and our everyday behavior. Here are some examples provided by Morton Hunt in The Story of Psychology:

When trying to join a group, the harder they make the barriers to entry, the more you value your membership. To resolve the dissonance between the hoops you were forced to jump through, and the reality of what turns out to be a pretty average club, we convince ourselves the club is, in fact, fantastic.
People will interpret the same information in radically different ways to support their own views of the world. When deciding our view on a contentious point, we conveniently forget what contradicts with our own theory and remember everything that fits.

People quickly adjust their values to fit their behavior, even when it is clearly immoral. Those stealing from their employer will believe that "Everyone does it" and that the theft is commonly accepted as part of the cost of doing business.

Or, alternatively, "I'm underpaid so I deserve a little something extra on the side." People who cheat on their tax returns will believe that "The government expects you to cheat" and that people will think you are stupid if you don't.
 Soldiers,when asked to perform immoral tasks, will believe that it is their solemn duty to follow orders from their superiors which absolves them of any personal guilt. Politicians justify lying about their personal beliefs and principles to win votes on the grounds that their election is ultimately for the good of the country. Government leaders lie to their people about their real goals in waging war on the grounds that the average person is too ignorant to understand the realities of the world.

Historically, many government leaders end up believing their own lies. An example is Adolph Hitler who started WWII to acquire more territory and power. He told the German people that the war was started by Poland, and despite his many offers of a negotiated peace he was refused time and time again. He then said he invaded Russia to prevent Bolshevism from conquering Europe. He died believing Germany was the victim of a worldwide conspiracy against the German people.

I'm sure you can think of a number of situations in which people resolve cognitive dissonance through rationalizations. The church minister who justifies personal wealth on the grounds that God wants true believers to live in luxury. The son who justifies not visiting his parent in a nursing home because of the lack of time. The father who justifies abandoning his family because they are better off without him. The criminal who justifies his crimes because of environmental factors. The person who gets fired because the boss hates blondes.  The people who get their homes foreclosed because of greedy fat cats. The self-made billionaire who shies away from people in his past because all they want is his money. And so on and on.

Being aware of this can help us avoid falling foul of the most dangerous consequences of cognitive dissonance: believing our own lies.

...........................................................................................................................

Michael Michalko is the author of the highly acclaimed Thinkertoys: A Handbook of Creative Thinking Techniques; Cracking Creativity: The Secrets of Creative Genius; ThinkPak: A Brainstorming Card Deck and Creative Thinkering: Putting Your Imagination to Work. http://creativethinking.net/WP01_Home.htm

A New Tool for Creative Thinking: “Mind-Body Dissonance”


Science News



Mind Matters | Mind & Brain

A New Tool for Creative Thinking: “Mind-Body Dissonance”

New research shows that clashes between mind and body can help us think more expansively

 | March 8, 2011 |


A new tool for creative thinking: 'Mind-body dissonance' 
Combining happy with sad can spark new insights. Image: Amanda Rohde


In this groundbreaking adventure into the worlds of psychopaths, the renowned psychologist Kevin Dutton argues that there is a fine line between a brilliant...


Did you ever get the giggles during a religious service or some other serious occasion?  Did you ever have to smile politely when you felt like screaming?  In these situations, the emotions that we are required to express differ from the ones we are feeling inside.  That can be stressful, unpleasant, and exhausting.  Normally our minds and our bodies are in harmony.  When facial expressions or posture depart from how we feel, we experience what two psychologists at Northwestern University, Li Huang and Adam Galinsky, call mind–body dissonance.  And in a fascinating new paper, they show that such awkward clashes between mind and body can actually be useful: they help us think more expansively.

Ask yourself, would you say that a camel is a vehicle?  Would you describe a handbag as an item of clothing?  Your default answer might be negative, but there’s a way in which the camels can be regarded as forms of transport, and handbags can certainly be said to dress up an outfit.  When we think expansively, we think about categories more inclusively, we stop privileging the average cases, and extend our horizons to the atypical or exotic.  Expansive thought can be regarded a kind of creativity, and an opportunity for new insights.

Huang and Galinsky have shown that mind–body dissonance can make us think expansively.  In a clever series of studies, they developed a way to get people’s facial expressions to depart from their emotional experiences.  Participants were asked to either hold a pen between their teeth, forcing an unwitting smile, or to affix two golf tees in a particular position on their foreheads, unwittingly forcing an expression of sadness.  While in these facial configurations subjects were asked to recall happy and sad events or listen to happy and sad music.

The team found that people are more likely to consider a camel a vehicle in conditions where their expressions different from the emotions caused by music or autobiographical memories.  In a further study they showed that this effect is not limited to facial expressions and emotions.  They asked people to play either dominant or submissive roles in a game, while sitting in postural positions that have been shown in other research to reflect power or weakness.  Once again, the dissonance between mind—feeling dominant in a game—and body—sitting in a constricted position—lead to more expansive thinking.

These curious findings have some significant implications.  They back up a growing body of evidence that cognition is “embodied,” meaning that our physical actions directly influence the way we think.  For example, Arthur Glenberg and Michael Kaschak have demonstrated that we have difficulty understanding sentences when we have to simultaneously perform actions that are in conflict with those sentences.

The new research also adds support to work showing that facial expressions influence our emotions.  For example, Fritz Strack and collaborators have that people rate cartoons as more funny if they are forced to smile.  Participants in the Huang and Galinsky studies reported that their facial configurations influenced their moods, confirming that emotions are intimately connected to the body.  There is also a large body of evidence showing that emotions influence how we think.  For example, in another new study, Kendall Eskine shows that drinking bitter beverages can lead people to make more negative moral judgments.

Huang and Galinksy’s work contributes by showing that conflicts between the emotions created by the body and the emotions elicited by other sources, such as music and memory, do not just influence what we think, but how we think.  Earlier research by Alice Isen has linked positive feelings to creative thinking styles, and this work shows that a special form of creativity—expansive thought—can be enhanced by emotional conflict.

The most exciting aspect of this work is that Huang and Galinksy find that mind–body dissonance has a positive payoff, even though it can feel unpleasant.  There are conditions under which is it good for us, not just polite, to express emotions that differ from how we are feeling.  For example, William James said that putting on a happy face helped him cope with debilitating depression.  Perhaps expression therapy can join pharmacology in the battle against the blues.  We can also increase empathy for others by mimicking their expressions, even when we don’t share their feelings.

Now Huang and Galinsky have discovered a new benefit to adopting expressions that don’t originate from within.  Doing so leads us to think more flexibly: our categories become more inclusive.  This may help with creative problem-solving, as well as social conflicts.  For example, prejudice often derives from the use of stereotypes, but mind–body dissonance leads people to kick away the crutch of stereotypes and think expansively.  Can an African American be president?  Can an Islamic State be a democracy?  Can a stranger be the object of compassion?  When we experienced mind–body dissonance, the foreclosed begins to look feasible.  Inner conflict shakes us from cognitive complacency and makes us receptive to new possibilities.

Are you a scientist? And have you recently read a peer-reviewed paper that you would like to write about? Then contact Mind Matters editor Gareth Cook, a Pulitzer prize-winning journalist at the Boston Globe, where he edits the Sunday Ideas section. He can be reached at garethideas AT gmail.com

ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

Jesse Prinz is Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the City University of New York, Graduate Center. His books include Furnishing the Mind, Gut Reactions, The Emotional Construction of Morals, and the forthcoming Beyond Human Nature.

Creative Dissonance





These notes were first presented at The Developing Group 3 October 2009 


Penny Tompkins and James Lawley

What is Cognitive Dissonance?

Many books and psychological theories have used cognitive dissonance to explain a common aspect of human behaviour – the need to resolve contradictory or conflicting beliefs, values, concepts, perceptions. This dissonance only occurs when we are ‘attached’ to our attitudes or beliefs, i.e. they have emotional significance or consequences for our self-concept or sense of coherence about how the world works.

In 1956 Leon Festinger coined the term ‘cognitive dissonance’ in When Prophecy Fails. He used the idea to explain the apparently bizarre behaviour of members of a UFO doomsday cult when the leader’s end-of-the-world prophesy failed to occur and it became clear that the world was not going to end. Festinger observed cult members enter a strange state of disturbance – not knowing what to believe or do. Eventually, rather than accept that they were misled or wrong, most cult members preferred to believe it was the power of their faith that saved the world. Perversely this motivated them to recruit new members thereby increasing the membership of the cult!

By observing the sequence of incompatible cognitions leading to strange states requiring resolution – the notion of cognitive dissonance was born. In A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (1957) Festinger defines it as:

The psychological opposition of irreconcilable ideas (cognitions) held simultaneously by one individual, created a motivated force that would lead, under proper conditions, to the adjustment of one’s belief to fit one’s behavior – instead of changing one’s behavior to fit one’s belief (the sequence conventionally assumed).


Since then, the definition has widened somewhat. See en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cognitive_dissonance for a useful overview:

Cognitive dissonance is an uncomfortable feeling caused by holding two contradictory ideas simultaneously. The "ideas" or "cognitions" in question may include attitudes and beliefs, the awareness of one's behavior, and facts. The theory of cognitive dissonance proposes that people have a motivational drive to reduce dissonance by changing their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, or by justifying or rationalizing their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors.

While lab experiments have verified the presence of arousal in dissonance situations, most studies have investigated how people resolve their cognitive conflicts. A partial list of the mechanisms include:
  • Excusing own faults and failures: “I was drunk, what do you expect?”
  • Selectively editing and censoring evidence; in the extreme, we can completely delete counter-evidence and create false evidence.
  • Interpreting ambiguity for self-serving ends.
  • Giving explanations that cast us in a good light.
  • Minimising: “It was just a fling, she meant nothing to me.”
  • Considering weaknesses as so common that we aren’t responsible: “Everybody does it.”
  • Arrogance: “The rules don’t apply to me.”
  • Blaming: “They made me do it.”
  • Illusion of control – not accepting when we are at the mercy of events.
  • Citing mitigating circumstances: “I was so stressed I had to have a drink.”
  • Not exposing ourself to counter-evidence, e.g. only read newspapers that support our views.
  • Applying our critical judgement differently depending whether we support or oppose a view.
An excellent book on the subject is Mistakes were made (but not by me): Why we justify foolish beliefs, bad decisions and hurtful acts, by Carol Tavris and Elliot Aronson (2008). This book like many others is mostly about the effects of cognitive dissonance. Only a fraction is devoted to how to overcome, combat or handle it. More strangely, very little is said about the subjective experience of cognitive dissonance, or how it works within a person. Tavris and Aronson provide a few hints:

    The engine that drives self-justification, the energy that produces the need to justify our actions and decisions – especially the wrong ones – is an unpleasant feeling that [Leon] Festinger called “cognitive dissonance”. Cognitive dissonance is a state of tension that occurs whenever a person holds two cognitions (ideas, attitudes, beliefs, opinions) that are psychologically inconsistent, such as “Smoking is a dumb thing to do because it could kill me” and “I smoke two packs a day.” Dissonance produces mental discomfort, ranging from minor pangs to deep anguish; people don’t rest easy until they find a way to reduce it. (p. 13)
    Dissonance is bothersome under any circumstance, but it is most painful to people when an important element of their self-concept is threatened – typically when they do something that is inconsistent with their view of themselves. If you violate your own values, you will feel much greater dissonance because, at the end of the day, you have to go on living with yourself. Because most people have a reasonably positive self-concept, believing themselves to be competent, moral, and smart, their efforts at reducing dissonance will be designed to preserve their positive self-images. (p. 29)
    Dissonance reduction operates like a thermostat, keeping our self-esteem bubbling along on high. That is why we are usually oblivious to the self-justifications, the little lies to ourselves that prevent us from even acknowledging that we made mistakes or foolish decisions. (p. 31)
    But dissonance theory applies to people with low self-esteem, too. People who have low self-esteem, or who simply believe that they are incompetent in some domain, are not totally overjoyed when they do something well; why, on the contrary, they often feel like frauds. Successes [are] dismissed as accidents or anomalies. (p. 31)
    Self-justification, therefore, is not only about protecting high self-esteem; it is also about protecting low self-esteem, if that is how a person sees himself. (p. 32)

And that’s about it. The rest of the book is about fascinating experiments that explore how people attempt to reduce cognitive dissonance – mostly by self-justifying.

But what is cognitive dissonance? Is it the incompatible cognitions? The unpleasant feelings? The need to reduce the feelings? The action to resolve the conflict? Or all of that?

To answer these questions, Part 1 of The Developing Group day was devoted to modelling our embodied sense of cognitive dissonance.

Cognitive Dissonance and Self-Deception

We are interested in cognitive dissonance because it appears to be a near-universal human faculty, and also because it plays a major role in self-delusion, self deception and self-denial. Our modelling of self-DDD suggests there is always a conflict between your ‘misleading representation’ and ‘what you know to be true’. This invariably creates cognitive dissonance. And thank goodness it does because otherwise we would have little motivation to do anything about it.

Our research into how people migrate from self-deceiving to acting from what they know to be true shows that a desire to change is an essential element. This raises an interesting conundrum. A desired outcome is by definition at variance with “current reality” – we want something other than what we have. Robert Fritz in The Path of Least Resistance has described how the effect of maintaining a want before it is satisfied produces a “creative tension”:

In the beginning of the creative process there will be a discrepancy between what you want and what you have. This discrepancy forms a tension. Tension seeks resolution. The tension is a wonderful force because, as it moves toward resolution, it generates energy that is useful in creating.
You can probably see the parallel between the processes of:

Cognitive Dissonance – Experiencing incompatible cognitions, the dissonance which is produced and the need to reduce the unpleasant feelings. Then acting to resolve the conflict.
and
Creative Tension – Experiencing the gap between a desired outcome and the current situation, the resulting creative tension and the desire to reduce that tension. Then acting to bring the creation into being.

In Part 2 of The Developing Group day explored the questions:
Are cognitive dissonance and creative tension the same or different?
Is one a sub-set of the other?
If they are different, how are they different?
Do they work in conjunction or against one another?
And what effect does that have?

To do this we self-modelled how we experienced three phenomena:

The incompatible/incongruent/conflicting cognitions.
The unpleasant/uncomfortable dissonance/tension.
The need/desire/motivation to do something to change the experience.

During the day we excluded the subsequent action, be that a minor self-justification, a major self-deception, acting from what you know to be true, or bringing a creation into the world. We regards these as the effects of cognitive dissonance and creative tension. The key question here is: By what criteria do you evaluate the action taken to reduce the dissonance/tension?

Another effect we put outside the frame was whether the drive to reduce dissonance produces a change in attitude rather than a change in behaviour, or both.

Living with Cognitive Dissonance

In Opening Skinner’s Box: Great Psychological Experiments of the Twentieth Century (2005), Lauren Slater notes that:

Throughout all of history there have been examples of people who, instead of clapping their hands over their ears, pushed into dissonance, [were] willing to hear what might emerge.  Festiner, actually, is one of those people. His ideas and experiments were highly dissonant with the Skinnerian wisdom of his day. And he pursued it. (p. 123)

Slater goes on to ask Elliot Aranson:

Why [do you] think some people rationalize, while others more deeply revise? And more importantly, how do those people in the midst of a major paradigm shift deal with the long days, weeks, months of grating, and what can their ability to tolerate such sounds and sensations teach us about how we might do the same, in search of a wider life? Has anyone studied these types of people? “We don’t have any data,” Aranson says, “because we don’t have people. People like you’re talking about are few and far between.” (p.124)

We don’t accept Aranson’s belief. We believe most of us have the capacity and most of us have experiences of having taken The Road Less Travelled when it seemed easier to do otherwise. These times in our lives might be few and far between, but, that they happen at all gives hope that they can become the rule, rather than the exception.

V.S. Ramachandran, one of the most well-known neurologists, is investigating the neural substrates responsible for denial and revision. Matthew Lieberman, assistant professor of psychology and social psychology at the University of California, Los Angeles, comments on Ramachandran's research:

Not all brains engage in rationalizations, in such intense single-themed storytelling. East Asians engage in far fewer rationalizations than Americans do. ... It’s not that East Asian people don’t experience dissonance, but they have less of a need to reduce it, probably because the structures that seek linear thought patterns have been rewired through spiritual exercise. (Quoted in Opening Skinner’s Box, p. 129.)

While there may be something to Lieberman’s speculations we also suspect that East Asians may use different ways to reduce cognitive dissonance.

The Recursive and Self-Amplifying Nature of Cognitive Dissonance

There follows a series of loosely connected thoughts on the systemics of cognitive dissonance and creative tension.

Preserving the status quo

Another way to consider cognitive dissonance is to presume its function is to preserve the status quo of the system within an acceptable level of discomfort. Changing appears to require more risk or resources (time, effort, emotional investment) in the short term at least. This is a more systemic view since it is not reliant on ‘self image’. Rather it involves the ‘economy’ of the whole system. In this view the effects of cognitive dissonance are an emergent property of the response of the whole system to two apparently incompatible cognitions.

Also reducing discomfort in one part of the system can result in storing it up for a worse discomfort later, or the discomfort will appear in some other part of the system (like a balloon that’s squeezed in one place that moves the excess pressure to another place). Eventually after many attempts at reducing the discomfort the system recognises that staying the same is not going to work long term and hence the desire to change in a different way is born.

Milgram ‘authority’ experiments

One of the best known pieces of research that provoked cognitive dissonance is the Milgram ‘authority’ experiments. It is commonly known that two-thirds of participants continued giving the stooge learner ‘electric shocks’ up to the maximum of 450 volts, and “almost 90% administered at least one more shock after hearing the learner pound on the wall” (Cordelia Fine, A Mind of its Own: How your brain distorts and deceives, 2007, pp. 67-68).

It is less commonly known that the participants had great difficulty in ‘following orders’. Many showed signs of extreme stress at choosing between two cognitions: wanting to stop and being told to continue. They experienced huge amounts of cognitive dissonance as they tried to reconcile their conflicting values. Afterwards most participants required lengthy debriefing to reduce their levels of discomfort. It is also not well known that the few participants who refused to continue with the experiment were the ones who resisted early in the study, questioning the very validity of the procedure. In most cases, once participants had given an electric shock after they thought it was hurting the learner, they went all the way.

We think the recursive nature of cognitive dissonance is at the root of both the participants difficulty deciding and their decisions to continue long beyond anything they would have predicted of themselves. (People asked to forecast their response to the experiment almost never think they would continue.) Our guess is it works like this:

    I am now feeling uncomfortable having to choose between walking out on a scientific experiment which I volunteered for, or violating my value of not hurting another human being. I don’t know what to do but I have to decide. At this moment, the most convenient straw to clutch at is the consistent and insistent instruction of the man in the white lab coat. So I will continue.
    But, having increased the electric shock I’m now in a worse position. I have the same decision to make, plus I have to reconcile what I have just done with the kind of person I thought I was. If I cannot rely on my own values who else can I turn to? ... The man in the white lab coat.

Feedback loops

Our new behaviour creates a feedback loop which influences us to change our values, beliefs or self-concept. In this way cognitive dissonance creates a viscous — or potentially, a virtuous — spiral. Eventually our behaviour escalates to something we never thought we would be capable of. And then we have to live with what we did; which in the case of a vicious spiral creates more cognitive dissonance, and so on (see diagram below). No wonder self-deception is so popular.















Short vs. Long term

We reckon that the mother of all cognitive conflicts happens when we have to choose between feeling good in the moment and feeling good in the longer term. Cordelia Fine reveals what usually determines the outcome: it is “more important to us to feel good than to be good” (p. 157). Pass me that second piece of apple pie while I try to figure out how to resolve my cognitive dissonance.

This suggests that we need to learn how to both:

Live with dissonance and tension so we can take a more considered, bigger picture, longer term perspectives.
and
Reduce dissonance in a way that is not necessarily favorable to us, at least not in the short term, e.g. to openly admit we made a mistake, or to “delay gratification” (M. Scott Peck). In so doing, we can feel good about our honesty and integrity in the longer term.

Either way, we will need to create a meta-state (Michael Hall) e.g. – being comfortable with being uncomfortable; or being trustworthy of our own trust. And that changes our relationship with ourself.

Using Symbolic Modelling

Using Symbolic Modelling we have seen value in encouraging the conditions for people to experience their personal brand of cognitive dissonance — and holding them there. This has a number of effects: it gets them used to staying with the dissonance; it lets them find out what happens when they do; and it reveals their natural methods for reducing or avoiding dissonance.

We also realise that asking the question ‘And what would you like to have happen?’ puts some people into a bind. Having an answer to this question (i.e. stating a desired outcome) will produce a creative tension which many people are not adept at handling. But also note, not having an answer to this question will create cognitive dissonance if the client has a problem with not-knowing (especially if their self-concept is tied up with knowing). No wonder these people can find the question a challenge.

Binds

By our definition, a binding pattern is a special type of cognitive-dissonance generator. A bind is composed of at least two incompatible intentions. That incompatibility invariably produces cognitive dissonance. From within the person’s current logic there is no solution. When they realise this, their cognitive dissonance gets multiplied. Eventually they realise they will need to change their way of thinking. But how do you do this when thinking the way you currently do is so natural and compelling? Pump up the dissonnance. Not only do they have conflicting intentions, there is the extra dissonance between their desire to solve their problem and their inability to do so. Stir in the ingredient that many people are uncomfortable with the thought of an unresolvable problem and you have the recipe for an existential crisis.

Another version of how attempting to reduce cognitive dissonance can produce an escalating pattern of self-deception goes like this:

   You start by doing something to reduce dissonance that is not aligned with your espoused values, beliefs or self-concept.
   This requires you to self-justify your actions by creating a ‘misleading representation’ of your actions or yourself. You have started to self-deceive.
   This creates dissonance between the misleading representation and what you know to be true.
   The natural option is to reduce this dissonance by further self-justification which reinforces the self-deception.
   This spiral continues until eventually your self-deception becomes untenable.
   But, by the time you want to come clean, not only do you have to face the consequences of having deceived yourself and others for so long, you also have to handle the dissonance created by the incompatibility between the person you would like to have been and the person you have become.
   And let’s not forget that other form of dissonance, creative tension is inherently involved in the process of changing.

We can conclude that even considering jumping on a train going towards acting from what you know to be true creates dissonance at the beginning, in the middle and throughout the journey.

ALL ABOARD!

Penny Tompkins & James Lawley
Penny and James have both been UKCP registered neurolinguistic psychotherapists since 1993, supervisors, coaches in business, and certified NLP trainers. They co-authored Metaphors in Mind: Transformation through Symbolic Modelling and a training DVD, A Strange and Strong Sensation. They are the founders of The Developing Company and creators of Symbolic Modelling which uses the Clean Language of David Grove.

A Problem in Mind

A Problem in Mind

Dissonance What connects resistance to new scientific theories, religious persecution, racial prejudice, and political partisanship? The answer is a psychological phenomenon known as cognitive dissonance. Although this topic often comes up in the context of religion, few people seem to appreciate that cognitive dissonance is not a rare event experienced only by those with strong religious beliefs, but rather a known flaw in the operating system of the human mind. We are all subject to its effects, to varying degrees, and a widespread comprehension of this idea has the potential to be the greatest advance for human culture in living memory. 
 
Let us begin by looking at recent research into the behaviour of people with strong political affiliations, as recently reported in the Washington post:

Partisans who watch presidential debates invariably think their guy won. When talking heads provide opinions after the debate, partisans regularly feel the people with whom they agree are making careful, reasoned arguments, whereas the people they disagree with sound like they have cloth for brains.
Unvaryingly, partisans also believe that partisans on the other side are far more ideologically extreme than they actually are, said Stanford University psychologist Mark Lepper, who has studied how people watch presidential debates.
The article continues:
The result reflects a larger phenomenon in which people routinely discount information that threatens their preexisting beliefs, said Emory University
psychologist Drew Westen, who has conducted brain-scan experiments that show partisans swiftly spot hypocrisy and inconsistencies – but only in the opposing candidate.
When presented with evidence showing the flaws of their candidate, the same brain regions that Kaplan studied lighted up – only this time partisans were unconsciously turning down feelings of aversion and unpleasantness.
Although the brain scans of political partisans are a recent addition to the body of published research, the underlying issue has been an established part of psychology for half a century. 

In 1949, Jerome Bruner and Leo Postman demonstrated that despite the aphorism ‘seeing is believing’, the reverse is often the case – our beliefs can dictate what we perceive. The two psychologists ran a unique experiment for which they created a deck of normal playing cards with one subtle difference: some of the cards had suit symbols that were colour reversed, that is, some of the hearts were printed black, some of the spades were printed red and so forth. These altered cards were shuffled into a normal deck and were then displayed one at a time to the test subjects, who were asked to identify them as fast as possible. Initially, the cards were shown for such a short time interval that accurate identification was essentially impossible, then the display time was gradually lengthened until all the cards were identified. Although all of the subjects were eventually able to identify all of the cards no-one noticed that there was anything unusual about the deck.

When facing a black four of hearts, people would see it either as a four of spades or as a perfectly normal red four of hearts – their expectations about what a four of hearts should look like dictated what they actually saw. As the display times lengthened, people did eventually begin to notice that something was amiss, but they could not determine what was wrong. 

Quotes from the transcripts are particularly revealing. One person, gazing at a red six of spades, responded: “That’s the six of spades, but there’s something wrong with it – the black spade has a red border.” Lengthening the display time increased the confusion and hesitation experienced. One exasperated participant reported: “I can’t make the suit out, whatever it is. It didn’t even look like a card that time. I don’t know what colour it is now or whether it’s a spade or a heart. I’m not even sure what a spade looks like. My God!”

Festinger In the 1950s, studies of this kind led Leon Festinger and his colleagues at Stanford University to develop the theory of cognitive dissonance. This holds that when a person is facing contradictory cognitions there is a driving force that compels their mind to acquire or invent new beliefs, or to modify existing beliefs, in order to reduce the conflict (or dissonance) between these thoughts. In essence, cognitive dissonance is the uncomfortable feeling that people experience when confronted by things that ‘should not be, but are’. 

When the force of the dissonance is sufficiently strong, it leads to intense emotional responses such as anger, fear or hostility. Extreme responses may occur in pathological cases of unresolved cognitive dissonance, such as incidents of people blowing up abortion clinics in the name of Jesus. The drive to avoid cognitive dissonance can be so strong that people sometimes react to disconfirming evidence by strengthening their original beliefs and creating rationalisations to dismiss the disconfirming evidence. This is especially problematic when people have committed to a belief publicly.
There are three basic strategies a mind will employ to reduce cognitive dissonance: 

  • Adopt what other people believe: this is related to what is commonly called peer pressure, and provides an explanation for the apparently irrational need children sometimes display for some item that their peer group has adopted. Even in younger children, the need to conform to social pressures is a powerful drive.
  • Apply pressure to people who believe differently: this is what we can see underlying the case of Wilhelm Reich’s persecution by the FDA, and in all manner of religious and other persecutions throughout history.
  • Make the person who believes differently significantly different from oneself: this is the psychological origin of the religious label ‘heretic’ and also the scientific notion of a ‘pseudo-scientist’. It is also the origin of such horrors as ethnic cleansing.
Of course, while we might be able to spot these behaviours in other people, we are less likely to detect them in ourselves. In particular, many scientists, secure in their belief in the objectivity of the scientific process, never consider that science itself might be subject to problems originating from this phenomenon despite widespread documentation to the contrary. 
The celebrated philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn, in his seminal work The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), noted how the effects of cognitive dissonance applied to the scientific endeavour:
...novelty emerges only with difficulty, manifested by resistance, against a background provided by expectation. Initially, only the anticipated and usual are experienced even under circumstances where an anomaly is later to be observed. 
Kuhn illustrated this state of affairs with the case of William Herschel’s discovery of the planet Uranus. It was observed seventeen times by different astronomers from 1600 through to 1781, and none of these observations made any sense if the object being observed was a star (the prevailing assumption about most lights in the sky at the time). Herschel suggested that the ‘star’ might have a planetary orbit, and suddenly it all made sense. After this shift in perception, which was caused by a change in the way astronomers thought about old observations, suddenly everyone was seeing planets!

180pxalfred_wegener_die_entstehung_der_k An equally famous example is the case of Alfred Wegener, who in 1915 published a shocking new theory that the Earth’s continents had once been contiguous. He claimed that over millions of years this continent split into separate segments which drifted apart into their current arrangement. This theory, dubbed ‘continental drift’ was supported by extensive geological evidence. Still, British and American geologists laughed and called the idea impossible, and Wegener died in 1930 as an intellectual pariah. Today, Wegener’s theory is taught to every schoolchild, and when we look at a map of the world we consider this once impossible theory to be self-evident. 

Knowledge of cognitive dissonance is relatively widespread among modern intellectuals, yet the benefit of this knowledge has been severely limited by partisan effects. People are quite capable of spotting cognitive dissonance in people with opposing beliefs, but seem utterly unable to recognize it within themselves.

But make no mistake: whoever you are, whatever your belief system, you have been affected by your own cognitive dissonance in the past, and you will be affected by your own cognitive dissonance in the future. It occurs with any and all belief systems, whether religious, scientific or otherwise, and no choice of belief system allows you to escape it since all mental states are founded upon beliefs. Even a diehard agnostic still has beliefs locked up in their idiolect, and in their conceptions of self and society. 

The situation is not hopeless, however, as it is possible to control and minimise the effects with experience and practice, or by patching our belief systems with appropriate philosophies. To begin with, however, you will need to observe or recall an instance of you yourself being affected by your own cognitive dissonance. 

Watch for situations that cause you to react in an extreme fashion, or that trigger an unexpected fit of rage, or examine cases where you have taken a mental step to make a group of people significantly different from yourself (perhaps an opposing political party, or contrary religious stance, or even people who like a particular sport or game you hate). Until you perceive an incidence of cognitive dissonance in your own life, you may struggle to believe that it affects you, but make no mistake – you are human, and this phenomenon occurs as a consequence of having a human mind. No-one escapes it. 

The rise in the diversity of races, cultures, religions and media in our pluralistic societies have arguably caused a corresponding increase in the incidence of cognitive dissonance, expressed as intolerances of all kinds. Fractious attitudes in religious matters and political partisanship only intensify the problem. If we could truly get to grips with the issue of cognitive dissonance in our modern world, we would gain the potential to solve a great many of our global problems. Until we learn to effectively communicate with each other despite the massive variations in our respective belief systems there is little hope of serious social progress. And this communication will doubtless flounder unless we manage to keep our own cognitive dissonance on a tight leash.

Become someone exceptional – tackle this problem within yourself. Debug the operating system of your own mind by working on your responses when encountering dissonant beliefs, and try to avoid mental models that create hostile ‘us’ and ‘them’ divisions. Once we have all won our own private battles, then we can take the fight to a wider stage, and perhaps make a better world.
 
The opening image is Dissonance by Sungsook Setton, which I found here. As ever, no copyright infringement is intended and I will take the image down if asked.

Born Again: Why the "birther" myth refuses to die.

When people have a deeply held belief that they have publicly committed to, disconfirmatory evidence doesn’t necessarily weaken the belief. Instead, Festinger predicted — based on cognitive dissonance theory — that under the right circumstances, disconfirmatory evidence can make beliefs grow stronger and metastasize. Festinger first documented this phenonemon among doomsday cultists, and it plays out again and again among modern conspiracy theories from the left, right, and in between.
 

Slate

Born Again

Why the "birther" myth refuses to die.

Barack Obama.
President Barack Obama
The "birther" myth is the political equivalent of a horror-movie villain: Not only does it refuse to die, but every time someone tries to kill it, it only comes back stronger.

The latest incarnation: a bill approved 31-22 by the Arizona House of Representatives on Monday that would require 2012 presidential candidates to offer proof of citizenship in order to qualify for the ballot. The proposal has little chance of becoming law. For that to happen, the state Senate would have to pass it and the governor would have to sign it. But it's still the closest birtherism has come to being codified.

Democrats have dutifully condemned the bill. One Phoenix legislator said it's turning Arizona into "the laughing stock of the nation." White House spokesman Bill Burton dismissed the measure and others like it on CNN as "fringe right-wing radio conspiracy theories." Steve Benen of the Washington Monthly wrote, "The fact that fringe lunacy is being taken seriously at this level suggests a strain of contemporary Republican thought that's gone stark raving mad." Even some Republicans are rushing to distance themselves from the bill, particularly senatorial candidate J. D. Hayworth, whom John McCain has tried to tie to the fringiest elements of the Tea Party movement.

But shouldn't the real reaction be, This again? Why, more than a year into Obama's presidency, are we still talking about whether he is constitutionally allowed to serve?

The birther movement lingers because it means different things to different people. For liberals, questioning Obama's citizenship is tantamount to racism. Anyone who does it hates black people and is simply trying to disguise his prejudice—conscious or not—by implying that Obama is a foreigner.

For conservatives, though, demanding to see Obama's birth certificate has become less of a real-world concern—after all, Obama released his Hawaii birth certificate during the 2008 campaign—than a symbolic way for Republican politicians to show that they, too, are worried about America. They don't have to actually believe Obama was born in Kenya to associate with the birthers.

The trick has been defining birtherism down. Look at how politicians on the right talk about it—or, more accurately, around it. It's rare that an elected official will call for Obama to produce his birth certificate, a la Orly Taitz. More often, he will simply raise questions—innocent questions!—about Obama's origins. "What I don't know is why the president can't produce a birth certificate," said Rep. Roy Blunt of Missouri when ambushed by a video blogger last July. "I don't know anybody else that can't produce one. And I think that's a legitimate question." (When the interviewer pointed out that Obama had indeed produced a birth certificate, Blunt dismissed him.) Other times, they won't endorse the birther argument so much as decline to reject it. As Sarah Palin told a radio host in December: "I think the public rightfully is still making it an issue. I don't have a problem with that. I don't know if I would have to bother to make it an issue, because I think that members of the electorate still want answers." (Italics added.) It's not about Palin, see. It's about the people. They want answers.

Even Republicans who want to require candidates to produce birth certificates don't sound especially up in arms about Obama. Tommy Stringer, a member of the South Carolina General Assembly who introduced a bill similar to the Arizona measure, told the Washington Independent that the birth certificate the Obama campaign provided "satisfies" him, barring evidence that Obama was born elsewhere. So why did he introduce the bill? It's about transparency, he said. It's this kind of do-si-do that allows politicians on the right to associate themselves with the birthers but not necessarily be of them.

It's also good politics. A recent New York Times/CBS News poll found that only 58 percent of Americans believe Obama was born in the United States. Entertaining this notion without endorsing it thus works as a conservative dog whistle. It shows that politicians understand the concerns of the far right, even if they don't plan on joining it.

The irony of all the birth-certificate proposals—similar bills have been introduced in six states—is that they contain the seeds of the birther movement's destruction. The moment Obama calls their bluff and hands his birth certificate to the Arizona secretary of state, it's over.

In theory. That's the beauty of the birther myth, or any conspiracy theory: No amount of evidence can ever completely dispel the questions. When Obama produced his Hawaii birth certificate and the state of Hawaii verified it, it was a fake. When reporters uncovered announcements of Obama's birth in 1961 copies of the Honolulu Advertiser and the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, they had been planted. If the Arizona secretary of state verified Obama's birth certificate, that would be due to the government mind-control chip implanted in his molar.

To put all this another way: Birtherism is here to stay. And not because more people are going crazy, but because crazy has been redefined. Birtherism isn't the only example. Consider how conservatives accuse Obama of peddling "socialism." Sure, some of them genuinely think that Obama is going to usher in a new Soviet state in which the government owns all means of production. But most right-wingers use it as shorthand for government overreach. So now that's what "socialism" means.

There is a fairly major difference between birtherism and the socialism charge: Birtherism has been disproved by facts. But they're similar in the way they get tossed around without much connection to their original meaning. Republican politicians like to carry copies of the Constitution in their breast pockets. In 2012, maybe they'll tote around their birth certificates, too.

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Birtherism, cognitive dissonance, and the persistence of belief


A psychology blog. Thoughts about the mind, science, society, and whatever else.

Sanjay Srivastava

Birtherism, cognitive dissonance, and the persistence of belief

April 22, 2010

As the Arizona legislature debated a bill to demand proof of citizenship from presidential candidates, Slate had a new piece about why the “birther” movement won’t go away (which I came across thanks to Eric Knowles). Of particular interest:

The irony of all the birth-certificate proposals—similar bills have been introduced in six states—is that they contain the seeds of the birther movement’s destruction. The moment Obama calls their bluff and hands his birth certificate to the Arizona secretary of state, it’s over.

In theory. That’s the beauty of the birther myth, or any conspiracy theory: No amount of evidence can ever completely dispel the questions. When Obama produced his Hawaii birth certificate and the state of Hawaii verified it, it was a fake. When reporters uncovered announcements of Obama’s birth in 1961 copies of the Honolulu Advertiser and the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, they had been planted. If the Arizona secretary of state verified Obama’s birth certificate, that would be due to the government mind-control chip implanted in his molar.

To put all this another way: Birtherism is here to stay. And not because more people are going crazy, but because crazy has been redefined…

The article puts a bit of a partisan spin on the underlying psychological explanation (oh those crazy conservatives!). But this is just another manifestation of a basic psychological process documented in the 1950s by Leon Festinger (which I’ve previously discussed in relation to the persistence of the discredited vaccine-autism link).

When people have a deeply held belief that they have publicly committed to, disconfirmatory evidence doesn’t necessarily weaken the belief. Instead, Festinger predicted — based on cognitive dissonance theory — that under the right circumstances, disconfirmatory evidence can make beliefs grow stronger and metastasize. Festinger first documented this phenonemon among doomsday cultists, and it plays out again and again among modern conspiracy theories from the left, right, and in between.

Where this all intersects with politics, as the Slate piece points out, is in how politicians can fan and exploit conspiracies. Festinger laid out five conditions for disconformatory evidence to intensify belief. The fifth is, “After the discomfirming evidence comes to light, the believer has social support from other believers.” Politicians speaking in code can sound to believers like sympathetic supporters, while still leaving themselves plausible deniability in more rational circles. I don’t know how many have read Festinger, but they almost certainly know what they’re doing.

Update: Brendan Nyhan sent me a link to a forthcoming paper of his (with Jason Reifler) titled When Corrections Fail: The Persistence of Political Misperceptions. In a series of experiments, they show that correcting misperceptions can backfire when the correction runs contrary to somebody’s political beliefs. For example, conservatives became more certain that Iraq had WMDs prior to the war when they read news articles that corrected that misperception. Likewise for liberals and the misperception that Bush banned all stem cell research.

Their paper doesn’t test all aspects of Festinger’s model, though it does draw on work in the cog-dissonance tradition. Festinger thought that the social context of beliefs was important: you have to publicly commit to your beliefs, and after receiving disconfirmatory evidence you have to have social support from fellow believers. Nyhan and Reifler’s experiment dealt with subjects’ pre-existing beliefs, so it’s entirely possible that those elements were part of the prior experience that subjects brought into the lab. It would be interesting to run an experiment to see if you could modulate the backfire effect by amplifying or dampening those factors experimentally.